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Al

Lessons from Europe for trade in the Americas

By Sarah Anderson

With free trade a hot issue in key swing states, Senator John Kerry and most of the others who competed for the Democratic Party’s nomination have promised big changes. But when asked about specifics, Kerry and other leading Democrats offer only a narrow proposal to include labor

and environmental issues in future trade pacts.

A far broader response is necessary to address the growing concerns about trade – in this country as well as in Latin America. Currently, plans to expand the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to the rest of the hemisphere are stalled in the face of resistance from the governments of Brazil, Argentina, and other nations.

One alternative approach that should be considered is that of the European Union (EU). Similar to the Democratic candidates' proposals, the EU has required member states to adopt strong standards as part of their economic integration process. Through EU-wide regulations on labor rights, gender equity, racial discrimination, health and safety, environment and other issues, the EU has helped promote a high-road path to development. By contrast, NAFTA lacks strong mechanisms on these issues and as a result, corporations have had a strong incentive to export jobs to Mexico, where they can more easily profit by exploiting workers and the environment.

The EU recognizes that stronger labor and environmental regulations, while important, are not enough to level the economic playing field among its member states. And lifting up the poorer countries is considered critical for a stable and healthy European economy. Thus, the EU has invested more than $300 billion in grants (most of it since the late-1980s) to poorer countries and poorer regions within richer countries for infrastructure, training, and other development projects. The EU has also provided considerable financial and technical assistance to help poorer countries comply with EU regulations.

The largest recipients have been the so-called “poor four” – Ireland, Greece, Spain and Portugal.  To varying degrees, all have made progress. Since 1982, Ireland has become one of the wealthiest European countries, while Spain and Portugal have increased their GDP per capita levels from 74 to 82 and 61 to 71 percent, respectively. Greece did less well in the 1980s, but has caught up by 7 percentage points since an infusion of aid in the 1990s.

By contrast, NAFTA contained no mechanisms to reduce inequalities and, despite large increases in exports and foreign investment, Mexico has fallen further behind in per capita income as a percentage of the North American average. This figure was 43 percent in 1982, 33 at the start of NAFTA, and 31 in 2002.

The EU has recognized that as long as extreme income gaps exist, it is unrealistic to expect that labor and environmental regulations alone will be enough to lift up standards. Poorer countries will not only lack resources necessary for infrastructure and human investment. They will also face serious pressure to attract foreign investment by offering an exploited workforce and lax environmental enforcement, undermining efforts to maintain high standards in the richer countries. In the Americas, one major factor in the economic divide is that most poor countries bear a heavy burden of foreign debt. Thus, in this context, it would be appropriate to incorporate debt relief in efforts to address inequality.

One of the most obvious benefits of the EU’s efforts to narrow disparities is that it makes possible an “open border” policy.  EU citizens enjoy the right to live and work in any member state.  Although there were strong fears that richer countries would be flooded with migrants from Spain and Portugal prior to their entry into the EU, living standards in those countries rose considerably during a transition period, partly due to EU supports, so that out-migration was negligible. At present, the EU is working to lift up incomes in the far poorer new member states in Eastern Europe.

NAFTA, by contrast, side-stepped the migration issue, except for offering limited visas to professionals, and U.S. taxpayers spend billions of dollars every year to block Mexican migrants.

The EU is by no means perfect. EU budget rules have forced many national governments to make spending cuts that have hurt the poor, while EU immigration and trade policies towards non-member states are not much better than the Bush Administration’s. Nevertheless, the EU offers some important guiding principles, and given the growing resistance to current trade policies in the United States and elsewhere, this is an opportune moment to learn from them.

For the Presidential candidates to limit the discussion to labor and environmental clauses would be a huge missed opportunity. This is the time for bold proposals that tackle the economic divide that hurts all of us.

Sarah Anderson is the Director of the Global Economy Project of the Institute for Policy Studies and the co-author of a new study on “Lessons of European Integration for the Americas”
(http://www.ips-dc.org/EULessons)

 

 

 


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