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Al

Making the law safe for torture: Bush v. the U.S. Senate

 

By Max J. Castro

 

Rejection of President George W. Bush’s leadership now ranges from the American public in general – as evidenced in plunging poll numbers – to this administration’s most fervent former supporters in the Taliban wing of the Republican Party, who are in open revolt over the President’s latest Supreme Court nomination.

 

Yet the most telling and damning blow against Bush was delivered not by preachers and right-wing politicos. It was struck by that most august of institutions in the American political system:  the United States Senate. On October 5, the upper house of Congress voted – overwhelmingly and over the fierce objections of the Bush administration – to ban the use of torture by the U.S. military.

 

What does it mean when a measure that Bush lobbied against heavily is passed by a 90-9 vote in a Senate controlled by the President’s own party?

 

It means that support for the ban on torture is a no-brainer, especially in the wake of the horrors of Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo, which contradict decades of U.S. rhetoric and have done enormous harm to American credibility in the world.

 

A no-brainer, except for President Bush, who answered the Senate vote by threatening that he would exercise his veto power for the first time if a key $440 billion defense spending bill, which contains the anti-torture measure, comes before his desk with the anti-torture provision intact.

 

The House of Representatives earlier passed a version of the bill without the ban on torture, and the administration hopes that the House version will prevail. If the Republican Congressional leaders are able to remove the torture ban when the two versions of the bill are reconciled in the bicameral conference, Bush will be spared the embarrassment of having to veto a bill to fund the military.

 

While it is not clear if the Republican leadership in Congress, deeply mired in scandal, can deliver for the President, one thing is not in doubt. With its stance against prohibiting torture, the Bush administration gives up any claim to moral leadership – for itself and for the nation.

 

Faced with unassailable evidence of widespread abuse of prisoners, Bush has asserted that such acts are violations of official policy. The truth is that, from the beginning of its “war on terrorism,” the administration has systematically attempted to craft legal theories and definitions in order to avoid any sanctions that might result from doing whatever it wants with, and to, detainees.

 

Now, when the U.S. Senate, taking the administration at its word, attempts merely to codify in law the ban on torture the administration claims to have been in effect by policy, Bush’s resistance gives the lie away. While giving lip service to humane treatment of detainees, what the administration really wants is what it has exercised from the outset: license to treat prisoners as it sees fit, with no check or oversight, and the impunity to do it without legal recourse or repercussions.

 

Just when you think that this administration can sink no lower nor do more damage to the world’s view of the United States, Bush surprises you. If 90 percent of U.S. Senators can see a crying need for passing a legal ban against torture but the President cannot, what can anyone conclude except that this administration intends to continue committing outrages against prisoners of its endless wars?

 

The President’s fight against banning torture confirms several things that have been evident to critics for a long time. The climate that has made torture and murder of prisoners possible is the result of this administration’s policies, attitudes and messages. It is no anomaly. The rot that created Abu Ghraib starts from the top. But the arc of accountability begins at the bottom and sharply recedes as it moves upward, becoming wholly inoperative in the upper reaches of the administration. The law ensnares the small fry in the military and spares their bosses in the Pentagon and the White House. The Senate’s vote is intended to put and end to this situation. Unrepentant, the administration will not broach any limitation on its ability to exercise its authority as brutally and arbitrarily as it, and it alone, sees fit.

 

The Bush administration’s sheer ineffectiveness and brazen moral turpitude are creating a perfect storm that threatens to engulf it and to render the President incapable of accomplishing any of the items on his agenda. That would be a blessing given that Bush’s plans involve completing the transformation of the United States into a plutocratic/theocratic empire.

 

Thankfully, with the people, the religious zealots in his own party, and the elite members of the American political class who make up the U.S. Senate all deserting him, the prospects for the remainder of George W. Bush’s second term look bleak indeed.

 

 

 


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