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Al

Four legs of a campaign

By Lorenzo Quijano

Next March there will be a new meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission (HRC) in Geneva, Switzerland.  For approximately 50 days the HCR will debate on proposals of resolutions condemning human rights violations in several countries. Cuba is one of the cases that will surely be discussed; and the United States has already begun to increase its usual allegations as a preview of what will come.

This doesn’t mean that between sessions of the HRC there have been no attacks on Cuba, or that the U.S. will give new evidence – which on the other hand it has never presented, for its case is based on rumors, misrepresentations, alleged anonymous informants or similarly unverifiable testimonials. 

In this case it’s about a three legged table: the coincidental apparition of information in the press, declarations of the U.S. government and several “peace plans” designed to solve once and for all the 40 year plus thorn in the U.S. side.  And all of this, of course, in a “peaceful” manner.

First leg: The role of the press

Once again reports published by the press show that in the case of Cuba, information is disseminated in compliance with the Administration’s plans; or, they parrot the arguments supplied by the Administration without any verification, or ignoring the facts from conflicting sources.  Abetment or unethical behavior?

An example is a recent editorial on February 22, 2004, in South Florida’s Sun-Sentinel (“Talks on Cuba Need Results”), in which referring to the next HRC meeting it champions the dissidents that were tried and convicted last year in Cuba.  And the editorial repeats once more the fabrications of a campaign that was made at the time of their detention, trial and conviction, presenting them as “intellectuals” or “journalists” whose only crime was to dissent.

According to the Sun-Sentinel editorial, “That these individuals are even in jail is an injustice. No one on this planet should ever be held in detention for merely speaking his mind, or harboring thoughts that disagree with the government's.”

Cuba is capable, according to the editorial, of jailing someone for “harboring thoughts” different from the official point of view.  Communist science fiction?

Cuba’s arguments are not contested; they are not even mentioned, in spite of evidence produced at the trials and the information later released by the Cuban press and in books.  They don’t exist.  Documentary evidence and testimony of witnesses presented by the prosecution and not refuted by the defense (yes, the accused had the right to appoint counsel and in other cases counsel was court appointed, like in any other civilized country) just vanish into journalistic limbo.  The fact that several Cuban undercover agents infiltrated the dissident organizations and gathered evidence of the defendants’ collusion with the U.S. government is not even considered.  What only matters are allegations of that same government that was caught with their hands in the same cookie jar as the dissidents.

In this manner, a certain press keeps presenting them as prisoners of conscience and not as what they were found guilty of: employees of a foreign government conspiring to overthrow their own government elected by a majority.

In relation to previous deliberations in Geneva, the editorial complains of the inefficacy of the HRC, for “many see the vote, depending on who wins, as the result of arm-twisting by U.S. diplomats or the ability of Cuban officials to convincingly play the role of imperialist victims.”

Just to mention two aspects, while Americans in Geneva are “diplomats” (in spite of the fact that more than once not all members of the delegation have been diplomats, and two years ago there was a citizen from another country as member of the U.S. mission) happily engaged in arm twisting as part of their task, Cubans are labeled as “officials” that “convincingly play the role of imperialist victims.”  Impostors, not diplomats, impersonating victims.

In a single line of journalistic hocus pocus, 40 years of armed aggressions, terrorist attacks, economic and political blockade, deaths, mutilations and billions of dollars in economic losses simply vanish, as well as the assassination attempts on Cuban elected officials, particularly Cuban President Fidel Castro.  Possibly, many of the Sun-Sentinel’s readers ignore that a U.S. Senate Committee investigated and proved that the CIA had participated or instigated most of those attempts.  Why write that Cuban “officials” “convincingly play the role” of victims? Abetment or unethical behavior?

Second leg: Who me?  I didn’t do nuttin’

Two days before the publication of the Sun-Sentinel editorial, on Friday, February 20, a declaration by the U.S. Interests Section in Havana, signed by its chief, James Cason, claimed that the U.S. government “has no intention” of launching a military invasion against Cuba and denounced that the Fidel Castro government “is fabricating that menace to sow fear in the population.”

The declaration was apparently an answer to President Castro’s accusations in recent weeks that U.S. State Department officials had voiced “direct threats to Cuba” that would include invasion plans and even his own assassination, and warned that the island is prepared to meet “preposterous and adventurous little plans” to overthrow the government.

Cason said that the alleged invasion to the island has been “fabricated” by Cuban authorities “to sow fear in the population, use the resource of fear to maintain its ample military, security and intelligence structures.”

Let’s break down the declaration:

Up to the present date, in more than 40 years of hostility and aggression on the part of the U.S., Cuba has denounced and demonstrated in countless opportunities plans of aggression. And more than once it has been proved right.  It was precisely the climate of imminent aggression that provoked the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba during the October 1962 Crisis.  Robert McNamara himself, who was Secretary of Defense of the Kennedy Administration at the time, said some 30 years later in a conference on the subject in Havana, that if he had been Cuban in 1962 he would also have believed in the possibility of a U.S. invasion.  Declassified documents revealed years later proved two points:

1) The United States promised not to invade Cuba in exchange of the withdrawal of the missiles, which demonstrates there was a possibility of an invasion; and

2) Several top military officials pressured President Kennedy to order an attack on Cuba in order to kill two birds with several stones: the missiles and Fidel Castro.

Cuba has lived in a state of siege since shortly after the triumph of the revolution in 1959, but its relation with the United States are a long history of possible and actual threats, from the U.S. intervention in 1898 in the war that Cubans were winning against Spain and that frustrated its semi-independence until 1902, besides two other military interventions a few years later.

The United States added insult to injury with the humiliating imposition of an addendum to the Cuban Constitution (the Platt Amendment) that allowed U.S. troops to intervene in the country whenever it was deemed appropriate, thus reducing Cuba to the state of a protectorate.  That amendment also gave birth to the Guantanamo U.S. Naval Base, maintained today against the will of the people and the government of Cuba.

The United States has a short historical memory.  Not only Cuba, but practically all of Latin America has been a victim of countless military interventions.  After all, the hemisphere is the U.S.’s backyard.  But recently the whole planet has become an American hunting ground.

No wonder Cuba feels threatened, since the present Administration has proven its expertise in making up excuses in order to invade other countries.  Remember the repeated accusations that Cuba was creating weapons of mass destruction and delivering them to other rogue states... Recently there has been a new allegation: Cuba and Venezuela are destabilizing democratic governments in the hemisphere.  Evidence?  None.

If later on, as in the case of Iraq, the weapons of mass destruction evaporate, the event has been consummated and the lie can be filed away in a document that could be unearthed years from now.

According to Mr. Cason, “Last year the Cuban Minister of Foreign Relations suggested that we were slowing down the process of issuing travel documents to Cubans who were to immigrate to the United States with the objective of creating a massive migratory crisis that would serve as a pretext for a war.”  Cason added that “of course, it was totally false.”

Nevertheless, the slowing down of the process, besides the preferential treatment to Cubans who arrive illegally to the U.S. (based on the Cuban Adjustment Act), induces illegal migration and creates a dangerous situation that could provoke a massive migration.  After Cuba’s protest and warning to the United States, the U.S. government answered that in the case of a massive exodus it would be considered a hostile act on the part of the Cuban government.  And what does a country do if another state commits a hostile act against it?  The fact that it wasn’t Cuba who was promoting the massive migration doesn’t matter at all.

Another fact: according to the declaration of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana, Cuba fabricates threats “to justify extreme measures in a futile attempt to crush the burgeoning independent civil society in Cuba.”

Again, there is a reference to an alleged organized opposition, the “independent civil society,” or dissidents, that the Cuban government wants to crush.  A good argument for Geneva if it weren’t for the fact that the supposed organized opposition is practically nonexistent, and is only concerned with the limelight abroad, waiting for a possible overthrow of the revolution in Cuba.

Third leg: The “Peace Plans”

On the same day that the declaration of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana was given to the press, on Friday, February 20 – pure coincidence, of course – a press dispatch reported that an anti Castro exile organization in the United States had announced a “diplomatic offensive” against the Cuban government and had presented a project of “Social and Economical Reconstruction” for post Castro Cuba, “based on democracy and a market economy.”

According to the declaration, the Cuban National Congress in exile, created in May, 2003, would celebrate on that day in Miami its first international plenary meeting, launching “a world diplomatic offensive” to impose a “blockade” on Havana.

The offensive strives for a “coalition of countries friendly to a free Cuba” with the objective of imposing a “political, economic, diplomatic and sports blockade” on Havana.

As if the U.S. blockade on Cuba weren’t enough, now this group of well intentioned patriots, bent on implanting in Cuba “democracy and a market economy,” is asking for more blockades.

At the same time, other leaders of the Florida exile community, and also by pure coincidence, presented another project of “social and economic reconstruction, drafted by Antonio Jorge, professor of Economics at Florida International University, and backed by Cuban American U.S. Representatives Lincoln and Mario Díaz-Balart, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Bob Menéndez, as well as several anti Castro exile organizations.

The group favors “the creation of a solidary, sovereign, free and participating Cuban society” based on a multiparty democracy and a just and equitable market economy,” Jorge explained.

According to The Miami Herald, Rep. Ros-Lehtinen said on Friday that “there can’t be fundamental changes in Cuba (…) under the Constitution adopted by Fidel Castro.”

Another coincidence: both plans focus on the creation of a new society in Cuba based on a market economy.  (Quite an oxymoron, I say, “a just and equitable market economy.”)  Both refer to democracy, but neither say which type, as if only one were possible: the democracy of those that have no access to education or to health care, the democracy of those that are discriminated for dozens of reasons, the democracy of rigged elections, and the democracy of “special interests” above the interest of all.

But there is more.

The Cuban Patriotic Forum (CPF), an alliance that groups several organizations of Cuban émigrés in Miami, released a declaration in which they warn of “powerful interests from different leanings that are attempting to pressure the United States and other countries from the Americas and Europe to negotiate a (political) transition” with the Cuban government.

The CPF said in its declaration that it struggles “for the total change of the present system in Cuba, and not to obtain cosmetic changes in it.”

 

According to El Nuevo Herald, Alberto Hernández, director of the Council for the Freedom of Cuba, said that the Forum’s strategy is “to oust the Cuban Communist regime from power any way possible.”

 

“For Cuba to be free all Communism must be eliminated,” Hernández said.

 

The declaration is signed by several leaders, among them are Armando Pérez Roura, known for his defense of violent actions; Orlando Bosch, tried and sentenced for acts of terrorism on U.S. soil and accused of being the mastermind of the 1976 bombing of a Cuban commercial plane in which 73 people died; and Sylvia G. Iriondo.

 

Together with other émigrés, in December 2001 these peace loving characters and advocates of peaceful transit published in The Miami Herald a Declaration of Principles:

“We recognize and support the right of the Cuban people inside the island and in exile to avail themselves to all means and methods at their disposal in the struggle for the freedom of Cuba.”

The coordination of all these official declarations, press reports and Cuba-saving plans have occurred just as the meetings of the HRC in Geneva are beginning to make headlines.  In other words, it is time to prepare the case against Cuba. Add this to President Bush’s promises –which are beginning to sound true – of cracking down on Cuba, a fact considered indispensable to insure an electoral victory in Florida.

Fourth leg: The one that’s missing

A table must have four legs, or you run the risk that the other three can’t stand the weight.  In this case, they seem to forget that any plan to eliminate the Cuban government must take the people into account.  Perhaps they haven’t forgotten; maybe they believe their own lies, like the one that Cubans eagerly await the arrival of the saviors from the U.S.  As was the case during Bay of Pigs.  Remember?

Lorenzo Quijano occasionally writes for Progreso Weekly.

 

 

 


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