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Al

A conflict that's getting out of hand

 

By Fernando M. López

fmlopez@prensamercosur.com.ar

 

From the Mercosur Press Agency (APM)

 

The new discord between Argentina and Uruguay over cellulose began with the confirmation of a credit from the World Bank for Botnia. Kirchner described Vázquez as "intransigent." Uruguay said that statement was uncalled for.

 

For now, the verbal exchanges between presidents Néstor Kirchner and Tabaré Vázquez, who availed himself of one of his principal ministers to respond to his Argentine counterpart, have been typical of a classic, lengthy TV novela that unendingly recycles the same trivial conflicts. Unlike fiction, however, the greatest danger in this case is that no one knows exactly how this confrontation will end, and to what degree that final outcome could affect the ongoing process of regional integration.

 

Let's start at the beginning. The visit to Washington by Uruguay's Minister of Economics, Danilo Astori, was vital to the World Bank's confirmation last week that it had granted a $170-million credit to the Botnia cellulose mill in Fray Bentos. According to the international institution, the theories about "catastrophic environmental harm" to the Uruguay River are groundless; the bank also said the construction of the plant, by the Finnish transnational Metsa-Botnia, has "significant" economic advantages for the country.

 

Faced with a setback and filled with indignation, the legislators from Gualeguaychú, Entre Ríos, resolved to blockade the border roads and bridges for an indeterminate period. The answer from the Uruguayan government was immediate. As in previous occasions, it sent a letter to Argentina Foreign Minister Jorge Taiana, through the Argentine ambassador in Montevideo, Hernán Patiño Mayor, demanding a lifting of the measure adopted by the activists from Entre Ríos.

 

Uruguayan Foreign Minister Reinaldo Gargano said, in connection to the letter, that the border shutdowns "violate not only the Treaty of Asunción, which gave birth to Mercosur and guarantees the free transit of people and goods through the bloc countries, but also the provisions of the International Court at The Hague."

 

The minister added that his government plans to bring up the blockade of the border bridges at the meeting of the Common Market Council (CMC), Mercosur's top organization, in the next several weeks.

 

Let us remember that President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the bloc's president pro-tempore, had decided to postpone the CMC's half-yearly meeting from mid-December 2006 to January 2007. However, the Brazilian government confirmed recently that will listen to a request from Uruguay to hold a special meeting of Mercosur foreign ministers prior to the summit of chiefs of state.

 

For a long time now, Uruguay has pressed its intention to regionalize the conflict with Argentina, in an attempt to gain the support of Mercosur's partners. The key lies in the ruling of the bloc's panel of mediators who months ago questioned the legitimacy of the blockades and warned that Argentina had violated the Treaty of Asunción.

 

However, the Uruguayans constantly run into the refusal of the Argentine authorities, who are pressing to continue bilateral negotiations that would better enable them to resist the installation of the Botnia cellulose plant.

 

Within this context, we should consider the latest statements from President Kirchner, who last week took advantage of an official appearance to unload his criticism on President Vázquez.

 

"We went and begged the intransigent Uruguayan president to please discuss with us how we could go from there to Botnia so [the plant] will not become visual pollution and will not  create the possibility of future pollution. Botnia said no, and evidently it was a strong no. However, the response from ENCE was absolutely different. We looked for all possible ways to ensure the observance of the Río Uruguay treaty, but [that treaty] was totally violated," Kirchner said.

 

The president also said he will maintain his stance against the cellulose plant "no matter how strong Botnia's interests are, no matter how strong are the interests behind this situation." He pointed a finger at some press media that "fall silent once more" on the issue and its possible consequences.

 

Gargano again responded to the Argentine attack. "The president can hardly be called intransigent," he said, adding that Vázquez sought "no other alternative but negotiation, balance, the need to coordinate both countries, the joint monitoring of the plant."

 

This chapter is not over. Undoubtedly it will continue for several days and soon we'll see if Uruguay manages to regionalize the conflict with Argentina or if it proceeds on strictly bilateral terms.

 

It would be good if both governments reflect about their errors before the problem definitely gets out of hand. It would be good if the presidents, appealing to coherence, forget for the moment the proselytizing campaigns and the pressures from transnational interests that harm the region so. It would be good if they engage, once and for all, in a negotiation that has a more concrete chance to result in a solution. 

 

What's important is to preserve the process of regional integration and the cooperation among the peoples of South America to revise, together, the model of (under)development that the hegemonic world market attempts to impose on the countries of Latin America, either through cellulose, mining or transgenic soy.

 

This may sound like a sermon, but both Kirchner and Vázquez should re-read the works of José Gervasio Artigas if they wish to lead their countries to success through sovereignty and regional interests: "I shall not sell the rich patrimony of Uruguayans for the vile price of necessity," that wise Uruguayan patriot once said.

 

 

 

 

 


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